I borrowed this title from John Wayne’s “The Alamo”
where two of the wounded character actors are facing imminent death at the
hands of two soldados and the one
turns to the other and says “Does this mean what I think it do?” “It do,” his
comrade replies. The scene, I believe, truthfully relates to a dilemma the
historian encounters when an evidence trail leads to an unanticipated and
uncomfortable conclusion. There is no easy way to deal with the problem I have
encountered other than to lay out the evidence and let the proverbial “chips
fall where they may.”
On November 18. 1863 Col. William W. Robinson, 7th
Wisconsin, penned his after-action report of the battle of Gettysburg, and
since then it has become one of the foundational accounts of the heroic stand
of the I Corps on July 1, 1863. However, since then, a great many more primary
accounts have surfaced through the work of renowned Iron Brigade historian,
Lance Herdegen. Using those accounts and those of other participants in the
action at Herbst Woods has led me to draw conclusions which question the
veracity of Robinson’s report.
1. Robinson
said the 7th Wisconsin arrived near Gettysburg about 10:00 a.m.
His lieutenant colonel, John B. Callis in a letter to battle historian.
John B. Bachelder wrote that the colonel “went to the rear” about 9:00 am. or
later in the afternoon when he heard of General Solomon Meredith’s wounding. I
think the evidence shows he left eh column in the morning and did not show up
until after Meredith left the field.
2. Robinson
writes, “We had not halted to load, and no orders had been received to do so…I.
however, gave the order to load during the movement,,,so that no time was lost
by this omission.”
At the first reunion of the 19th Indiana in1871 at Cambridge City, Indiana, Capt. Hollon Richardson,
senior staff officer of the Iron Brigade, and Meredith’s son-in-law stated, “
By the order of Gen. Meredith, I directed the several Colonels in their order
of columns to move forward into line and directed them to load as they came
into line.”
(As a side note, Richardson married
the colonel’s daughter secretly on May 9, 1862 which created bad blood between
the two until 1864.)
Two enlisted men in the 7th Wisconsin clearly indicated they
went into action with loaded weapons.
3. Robinson
deployed his regiment along the fence on the crest of McPherson ridge with his
right flank anchored on the southeast corner of Herbst Woods while the 2nd
Wisconsin entered the woods to his right front. He said that Capt. Craig
Wadsworth rode up to him from the right (north) and the colonel asked him to
identify what troops ere hidden in the smoke to his front. Robinson was not
sure if it was Confederates or the left of the 2nd Wisconsin.
Wadsworth pointed to a Confederate battle flag jutting above the smoke to the
left front, some 200 yards away.
Lieutenant Colonel John B. Callis and Maj. Mark Finnicum (7th
Wisconsin) both said otherwise. Callis said the regiment was moving right in
front when it was his by the first volley which struck the 2nd
Wisconsin to his front. Both he and the major recalled both regiments getting
hit by that fir, which knocked down a “many of our men.” (Finnicum sent a
report to the governor of Wisconsin on July 24, 1863.)
Callis was wounded slightly and his horse died in that volley. He
hurriedly organized his men into line, ordered them to fix bayonets and charge.
Just as they did so Wadsworth, riding in from the north, where he had left the
slain Gen. John F. Reynolds, ordered them to stop but to no avail.
4. Robinson
waited for the 19th Indiana and the 24th Michigan to come
up on his left before the regiments fired and charged.
In Ltc. William W. Dudley’s “The Iron Brigade at Gettysburg,” (1879) the
only brigade level report of the brigade in that battle stated, “The 7th
Wisconsin, and the following regiments were hurried up and, forming line of
battle from line of march, launched upon the enemy without alignment, thus in
effect charging en echelon.” (Dudley
commanded the 19th Indiana and lost a leg at Gettysburg.)
This matches Richardson’s account of delivering the order to form line
by taking the order from colonel to colonel and it also explains why no
Confederates saw a massive Federal line to their front.
5. Colonel
Robinson said that after the brigade overran Archer’s Confederate brigade that
General Meredith personally ordered his to cross to the eastern side of
Willoughby Run and he fell into the brigade line. He places the 7th
Wisconsin on the right of the line with the 2nd Wisconsin to its
left.
Dudley, the historian of the 24th Michigan, Callis and Sgt.
Cornelius Wheeler (2nd Wisconsin) places the brigade order from
south to north as: 19th Indiana, 24th Michigan, 7th
Wisconsin, 2nd Wisconsin, with the 2nd facing north,
inside the wood line, at a right angle to the 7th Wisconsin.
6. At
the time of the 3:00 p.m. attack of Heth’s Division against Herbst Woods,
Robinson asserts, “Captain Richardson brought me the order to retire to
Seminary Ridge. I retired by the right of companies to the rear…”
Major Finnicum in his July 24 letter to the governor penned. “At this
time a staff officer came to Col. Robinson, with orders to fall back with the 7th
Regt. and form a new line of battle.”
Richardson confirms this in part. After witnessing Dudley’s and Genera;
Meredith’s wounding, “I had but time to say God bless and preserve you, when I dashed
on to make our third stand. After giving the enemy a good round volley we moved
back by right of company to the rear.” He further says the regiment turned
about three times in retreat to deliver shots at the enemy.
John B. Callis confirms this but adds, “This was about 3 o’clock in the
afternoon when I received a line from Gen. Meredith saying, ‘I am hurt and
cannot get to you, take command of the brigade and get out of that little end
of a V as best you can.” He proceeded to order the regiment to retreat by
“right of companies to the rear,” and., as noted by Richardson, fell back to
face about and return fired several times.
If Richardson was senior officer, he should have gotten brigade command
but he did not, according to his own report, get command until later in the
evening when what was left of the brigade reached Cemetery Hill.
On July 14, 1863, the brigade’s division commander, General James
Wadsworth, wrote Governor Alexander W. Randall (Wisconsin), the following: In
the battle of Gettysburg, as senior staff officer of the Brigade, a large and
unusual amount of responsibility devolved upon him [Hollon Richardson],
amounting at times to the command of the brigade. His conduct on this as on
other occasions of severe trial, was in highest degree meritorious.”
It is interesting to note that 10 days later Major Finnicum, and not
acting brigade commander, Colonel Robinson, wrote a letter to the governor in
which he cites Robinson as being on the field at the commencement of the
retreat and mentions the wounding of John B. Callis. (Finnicum fought in the
ranks of Company E like an enlisted man and was not behind the regiment as he
should have been. No apparent command control existed in the brigade at this
time.)
On August 13, 1863 General Lysander Cutler, commanding the 2nd
Brigade, Wadsworth’s brigade, wrote to former governor Edward Solomon, “Sir: I
desire to recommend to your especial consideration, Captain Hollon Richardson,
of the 7th Wisconsin Volunteers…”on the bloody field of Gettysburg,
where he manifested the utmost coolness and bravery , entitle him to the
especial consideration of the Executive of the State he has so much honored. At
Gettysburg he virtually commanded the brigade for a portion of the day. It
cannot be known how many lives he saved by the manner in which he brought off
the troops from that field…when there seemed to be no one else to give orders,
most of the field officers having been killed or wounded.”
It is interesting that Cutler felt compelled to write the former
governor (presumably to tell the current governor) to reinforce what his
division commander had already stated.
Callis, who was on foot and in full retreat with his men never had the
opportunity to command the brigade. He was shot down while trying to get the
Federal artillery from shredding their own line with canister.
7. Robinson’s
account of the retreat through town is very accurate. He apparently came upon
what was left of the regiment at the rail barricade in the low ground west of
Seminary Ridge. Finnicum said he came upon seven of the regiment’s companies
where the colonel had rallied the men in “Splendid style.”
8. Robinson
interestingly writes that during the retreat from the Seminary to the town, I
met with the heaviest losses from the regiment during the day.” Had he been on
the field during the first volley and during the retreat through Herbst Woods,
he would not have written that. It was the largest number of losses sustained
while he was with the regiment. Conclusion: Robinson wrote his report based
upon the testimony of the few officers and men who survived the morning and
early afternoon fight. He was not with the regiment until it retired to
Seminary Ridge. I do not know why he was not with the regiment or the brigade
until that time, I can only suppose that he had fallen ill in the excessive
heat and humidity. He was not a coward by any means but he was not a witness to
the fight until the retreat through town.